Elvije Kadrija
IDEFE Publication, 2026
12 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective18
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• How does social media shape youth engagement and political awareness in North Macedonia?
• In what ways does social media contribute to polarization and disinformation, including the lessons of the Veles case?
• How are political parties and institutions using social media, and what implications does this have for democratic governance?

Burçak Kadıoğlu
IDEFE Publication, 2026
10 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective17
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• What are the main discursive patterns and framing strategies employed by Western media in representing Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia?
• How do these representational practices contribute to the “othering” of the region’s countries and to the reinforcement of the West’s normative superiority?
• In what ways do media discourses play a role in legitimizing the Balkan policies of international actors such as the EU and NATO?
• How do Western media representations of the Balkans shape political, cultural, and strategic perceptions of the region?

Mervegül Kınalı
IDEFE Publication, 2026
13 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective16
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• What has been Türkiye’s historical approach to Balkan policy?
• Does Türkiye define its foreign policy approach to the Balkans in terms of national interests or historical and cultural heritage?
• How is Türkiye’s Balkan policy shaped in Hakan Fidan’s perspective?
• According to Hakan Fidan’s foreign policy approach, how should Türkiye’s missing elements in the Balkans be completed?

Bujamin Bela
IDEFE Publications, 2026
24 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/focus03
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Hyrje

Arsimi i lartë përbën një nga shtyllat kryesore të zhvillimit shoqëror, ekonomik dhe shkencor të çdo shteti. Arsimi i lartë në Republikën e Maqedonisë së Veriut ndodhet në një fazë të rëndësishme reformimi, ku sfidat e cilësisë, konkurrueshmërisë dhe zhvillimit institucional kërkojnë zgjidhje të balancuara dhe afatgjata. Debati mbi gjendjen aktuale të sistemit përfshin çështje kyçe si autonomia universitare, avancimi në tituj akademikë, financimi i qëndrueshëm dhe mekanizmat e përgjegjësisë institucionale.

Arsimi i lartë në dekadat e fundit ka përjetuar transformime të thella strukturore si rezultat i globalizimit, masifikimit të studimeve dhe rritjes së rolit të ekonomisë së bazuar në dije. Universitetet po përballen gjithnjë e më shumë me kërkesa për rritjen e cilësisë së kërkimit shkencor, ndërkombëtarizimin e programeve studimore dhe lidhjen më të ngushtë me tregun e punës dhe inovacionin teknologjik. Sipas analizës së bërë nga Philip G. Altbach, Liz Reisberg dhe Laura E. Rumbley, sistemi global i arsimit të lartë po kalon një “revolucion akademik”, i karakterizuar nga zgjerimi i shpejtë i universiteteve, konkurrenca ndërkombëtare për reputacion akademik dhe rritja e rëndësisë së kërkimit shkencor si faktor zhvillimi ekonomik dhe shoqëror. Në këtë kontekst, universitetet nuk funksionojnë më vetëm si institucione për transmetimin e njohurive, por si aktorë strategjikë në zhvillimin e inovacionit, kapitalit njerëzor dhe politikave publike të bazuara në dije (Altbach, Reisberg & Rumbley, 2009).

Gjithashtu sipas analizës së World Bank, arsimi i lartë luan rol kyç në zhvillimin ekonomik, inovacionin dhe ndërtimin e kapitalit njerëzor në shoqëritë moderne. Në raportin Higher Education for Development, theksohet se universitetet janë institucione strategjike për prodhimin e njohurive, zhvillimin e kërkimit shkencor dhe përgatitjen e kuadrove profesionale që kontribuojnë në rritjen e produktivitetit dhe konkurrueshmërisë së ekonomisë. Raporti gjithashtu thekson se për të përmbushur këtë rol, sistemet e arsimit të lartë duhet të mbështeten nga politika publike të qëndrueshme, financim adekuat për kërkim dhe inovacion, si dhe nga institucione që garantojnë cilësi, autonomi akademike dhe lidhje të forta me sektorin ekonomik dhe shoqëror (World Bank, 2017).

Debati bashkëkohor mbi reformat në arsimin e lartë lidhet ngushtë me transformimet më të gjera në rolin dhe misionin e universiteteve në shoqëri. Në analizën e tij mbi evolucionin e sistemeve moderne universitare, Simon Marginson argumenton se modeli tradicional i arsimit të lartë i njohur si “Ideja e Kalifornisë”, i cili bazohej në akses të gjerë, investim të fortë publik dhe cilësi të lartë akademike, është vënë gjithnjë e më shumë nën presion për shkak të rritjes së logjikës së tregut, rritjes së tarifave të studimit dhe thellimit të pabarazive brenda sistemeve universitare. Sipas Marginson, këto zhvillime reflektojnë një zhvendosje nga arsimi i lartë si e mirë publike drejt një modeli më konkurrues dhe të orientuar nga tregu, ku universitetet udhëhiqen gjithnjë e më shumë nga indikatorë performancë, rangime ndërkombëtare dhe qëndrueshmëri financiare. Ky transformim ngre pyetje të rëndësishme mbi barazinë, qasjen dhe qëndrueshmërinë afatgjatë të sistemeve të arsimit të lartë, veçanërisht në kontekste ku reformat ndërmerren pa mbështetje të mjaftueshme financiare dhe institucionale (Marginson, 2016).

Një dimension tjeter paraqitet në analizën e ndikimit në rritje të mekanizmave të tregut në arsimin e lartë, Pedro Teixeira dhe David Dill shqyrtojnë mënyrën se si procesi i marketizimit të universiteteve ka ndikuar në qeverisjen, strukturat e financimit dhe prioritetet institucionale. Autorët argumentojnë se, megjithëse reformat e orientuara nga tregu, si konkurrenca për studentë, financimi i bazuar në performancë dhe autonomia më e madhe institucionale, mund të rrisin efikasitetin dhe reagimin ndaj nevojave të shoqërisë, ato njëkohësisht hapin dilema të rëndësishme lidhur me barazinë, vlerat akademike dhe misionin publik të universiteteve. Sipas Teixeira dhe Dill, zgjerimi i logjikës së tregut në arsimin e lartë mund të çojë në orientimin e institucioneve drejt qëndrueshmërisë financiare dhe konkurrencës institucionale, ndonjëherë në dëm të objektivave më të gjera arsimore dhe shoqërore që tradicionalisht kanë karakterizuar universitetet si institucione publike (Teixeira & Dill, 2011).

Në analizën e tij mbi zhvillimin e universiteteve elitare në nivel global, Jamil Salmi thekson se krijimi i universiteteve të klasit botëror nuk mund të arrihet vetëm përmes reformave ligjore apo vendosjes së standardeve formale akademike. Sipas tij, universitetet që arrijnë ekselencë ndërkombëtare karakterizohen nga tre elemente themelore: përqendrimi i talentit (staf akademik dhe studentë cilësorë), burime të konsiderueshme financiare për kërkim dhe infrastrukturë, si dhe një model qeverisjeje institucionale fleksibile që garanton autonomi akademike dhe menaxheriale. Salmi argumenton se pa investime të qëndrueshme në kërkim shkencor, mbështetje për kuadrin akademik dhe strategji afatgjata zhvillimore, përpjekjet për të rritur cilësinë dhe konkurrueshmërinë e universiteteve mbeten të kufizuara dhe formale, duke theksuar se cilësia institucionale është rezultat i një ekosistemi të gjerë politikash dhe burimesh dhe jo vetëm i kritereve administrative (Salmi, 2009).

Reformat në arsimin e lartë janë të domosdoshme për të përmirësuar cilësinë e studimeve, për të forcuar kërkimin shkencor dhe për të harmonizuar sistemin me standardet evropiane dhe ndërkombëtare. Megjithatë, çdo reformë duhet të ndërtohet mbi bazën e respektimit të Kushtetutës, autonomisë universitare dhe parimeve të shtetit ligjor. E qart është se nevoja për sjelljen e një ligji që do e ngrisë cilësin në arsimin e lartë në Republikën e Maqedonisë së Veriut buron nga domosdoshmëria për mbajtjen e studnetëve që migrojnë nga shkaku I cilësisë, modernizimit dhe efikasitetit të sistemit arsimor. Padyshim se zhvillimet shoqërore, ekonomike dhe teknologjike kërkojnë një kornizë ligjore të përditësuar që i përgjigjet sfidave bashkëkohore.

Përshtatja me standardet evropiane, përmirësimi i cilësisë së mësimdhënies, digjitalizimi i arsimit, zvogëlimi i mangësive administrative, lidhja me tregun e punës dhe rregullimi i drejtë i financimit janë shtyllat kryesore që duhet të përmbajë një ligj i ri për arsimin e lartë. Ai duhet të harmonizojë sistemin me Procesin e Bolonjës, të rrisë mobilitetin dhe njohjen e diplomave, të vendosë standarde të qarta cilësie, të modernizojë administrimin dhe teknologjinë, të forcojë bashkëpunimin me ekonominë dhe të sigurojë financim transparent e të bazuar në performancë, duke mbështetur kërkimin dhe inovacionin.

Bujamin Bela
IDEFE Publications, 2026
24 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/focus03
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Introduction

Higher education constitutes one of the main pillars of any state’s social, economic and scientific development. Higher education in the Republic of North Macedonia is at a crucial stage of reform, where challenges of quality, competitiveness and institutional development demand balanced, long-term solutions. The debate on the current state of the system encompasses key issues such as university autonomy, academic title advancement, sustainable funding and mechanisms for institutional accountability.

Higher education has undergone profound structural transformations in recent decades as a result of globalization, the massification of university studies, and the growing importance of knowledge-based economies. Universities are increasingly expected to enhance the quality of research, internationalize academic programs, and strengthen their links with labor markets and technological innovation. According to Philip G. Altbach, Liz Reisberg, and Laura E. Rumbley, the global higher education system is experiencing what they describe as an “academic revolution,” characterized by the rapid expansion of universities, intensified international competition for academic prestige, and the growing centrality of scientific research as a driver of economic and social development. In this context, universities are no longer viewed merely as institutions that transmit knowledge but as strategic actors in fostering innovation, developing human capital, and shaping evidence-based public policy (Altbach, Reisberg, & Rumbley, 2009).

According to the World Bank, higher education plays a crucial role in economic development, innovation, and the formation of human capital in modern societies. In the report Higher Education for Development, it is emphasized that universities serve as strategic institutions for the production of knowledge, the advancement of scientific research, and the preparation of skilled professionals who contribute to productivity growth and economic competitiveness. The report further highlights that for higher education systems to fulfill this role effectively, they must be supported by sustainable public policies, adequate funding for research and innovation, and institutional frameworks that ensure quality assurance, academic autonomy, and strong linkages with the economy and society (World Bank, 2017).

The contemporary debate on higher education reforms is closely linked to broader transformations in universities’ roles and missions within society. In his analysis of the evolution of modern university systems, Simon Marginson argues that the traditional model of higher education based on the “California Idea”—which emphasized broad access, strong public investment, and high academic quality—has increasingly come under pressure due to marketization, rising tuition costs, and growing inequalities within university systems. According to Marginson, these changes reflect a shift from higher education as a public good toward a more competitive, market-oriented model, in which universities are increasingly driven by performance metrics, rankings, and financial sustainability. This transformation raises important questions about equity, access, and the long-term sustainability of higher education systems, particularly in contexts where reforms are introduced without sufficient public investment or institutional support (Marginson, 2016).

Also, in his analysis of the development of world-class universities, Jamil Salmi emphasizes that achieving international academic excellence cannot be achieved solely through legal reforms or stricter academic standards. According to Salmi, world-class universities are typically characterized by three key elements: a high concentration of talent (qualified faculty and outstanding students), substantial financial resources to support research and infrastructure, and a governance system that ensures institutional autonomy and flexible management. He argues that without sustained investment in scientific research, support for academic staff, and long-term strategic planning, efforts to improve the quality and global competitiveness of universities remain limited and largely formal. Therefore, the development of high-quality universities depends on a broader ecosystem of policies, resources, and institutional capacity rather than on regulatory measures alone (Salmi, 2009).

In their analysis of the growing influence of market mechanisms in higher education, Pedro Teixeira and David Dill examine how the increasing marketization of universities has reshaped governance, funding structures, and institutional priorities. They argue that while market-oriented reforms—such as competition for students, performance-based funding, and greater institutional autonomy—can enhance efficiency and responsiveness, they also raise concerns about equity, academic values, and the public mission of universities. According to Teixeira and Dill, the expansion of market principles in higher education may lead institutions to prioritize financial sustainability and competition over broader educational and social objectives, potentially creating tensions between the role of universities as public institutions and their increasing engagement with market dynamics (Teixeira & Dill, 2011).

Reforms in higher education are essential to improve the quality of studies, to strengthen scientific research and to harmonize the system with European and international standards. However, any reform must be built on the basis of respect for the Constitution, university autonomy and the principles of the rule of law. It is clear that the need to enact a law to raise the quality of higher education in the Republic of North Macedonia stems from the necessity of retaining students who migrate because of the quality, modernization and efficiency of the education system. Undoubtedly, social, economic and technological developments require an updated legal framework that responds to contemporary challenges.

Alignment with European standards, improvement of teaching quality, digitalization of education, reduction of administrative shortcomings, linking to the labor market and fair regulation of funding are the main pillars that a new higher education law should include. It should harmonize the system with the Bologna Process, increase mobility and the recognition of qualifications, establish clear quality standards, modernize administration and technology, strengthen cooperation with the economy and ensure transparent, performance-based funding, supporting research and innovation.

Admir Mulaosmanović
IDEFE Publications, 2026
32 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-34-8
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Abstract: The region of Southeast Europe, as a post-communist and post-socialist region, has been going through a series of transition processes in the last thirty years. The disappearance of the common state of the South Slavs/Yugoslavia, the devastation of war and the wider demographic collapse, and complex national relations have burdened democratic processes to the extent that every issue in the Balkans is the subject of major and fundamentally important debates.

In the new and fundamentally changed geopolitical circumstances that have led to the growth of new centers of power, the growth of a multipolar world, the Balkans region is becoming a significant zone of conflict between global powers. This region is not at all immune to impulses coming from Eurasian space, especially after the NATO alliance’s attempt to move the “great border” to the banks of the Dnieper. Serious opposition to this approach in Europe, first in Hungary and then in Slovakia, led to a series of complex political processes in Central and Southeast Europe. With growing Turkish dissatisfaction with the attitude of Western partners towards Ankara, the question of NATO’s strategic goals began to be raised.

The withdrawal from Afghanistan indicated the American understanding that they were facing a great burden (imperial overload), but it also opened a discussion about the future of the global influence of liberalism and the West in general. This crisis of liberal hegemony, which led to a new approach and repositioning of world powers and rising powers, began to be clearly observed after 2016 in the actions of China, as well as in the emergence of a new American isolationism that was very pronounced during Trump’s first term, and even more so during the past 2025, in which Trump took dramatic steps.

The great topic of a multipolar world and a new order was opened, so that the entire European continent, due to its visible loss of position on the global level, can be problematized as a space of possible polar non-belonging. The latest events (the Greenland affair in particular) clearly demonstrate this.

In this sense, the Balkan peninsula, as the “soft belly” of European geopolitics, but also the centuries-old “in-between space”, is in a dead end bordered by regional hegemons and their national interests on the one hand and the aspirations of pro-democratic, weaker states on the other.

Keywords: Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), European Union (EU), Geopolitical shifts

Ebru Gögerçin
IDEFE Publication, 2026
8 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective15
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• How have Kosovo and Albania, as resource-constrained Balkan states, used digital diplomacy to shape international perceptions and build legitimacy
• To what extent can digital diplomacy substitute traditional diplomatic tools, and how does it affect power imbalances for small states. What structural limits define its effectiveness
• To what extent do the digital narratives promoted by Kosovo and Albania align with their actual political and economic conditions
• In a competitive Balkan environment, how do Kosovo and Albania’s digital soft power strategies influence the long-term struggle for digital cultural influence among the European Union, Russia, China, and Türkiye

Balkan Studies Foundation
Print ISSN: 2671-3675
Online ISSN: 2671-3659

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Table of contents

research articles

İrade ve Kader Arasında: Dr. Ethem Bakar’ın (1877-1945) Biyografisi ve Düşünce Dünyası – Ömer Faruk Can

Avusturya Ordusunun Kosova’yı İşgali (1689–1691) ve Yerel Halkın Tepkisi – Agron Islami

By All Means Necessary: The Rescuing of the Albanian Jews During the Holocaust – Ofer Muchtar

Performing Europe: Speech Acts and the Discursive Construction of European Integration in Albanian Political Discourse – Ardita Dylgjeri

book reviews

Xavier Bougarel, Nadživjeti Carstva: Islam, nacionalni identitet i politička lojalnost u Bosni i Hercegovini, drugo izdanje, Udruženje za modernu historiju, Sarajevo, 2023 – Meldin Kešetović

Vladimir Hamed-Troyansky, “Empire of Refugees: North Caucasian Muslims and the Late Ottoman State”, Stanford University Press, 2024 – Günay Kayarlar

Amina Šiljak Jesenković & Madžida Mašić, “Sarajevski pjesnik Zekerija Sukerija: književno-teorijska studija i izbor iz Divana” (Sarajevo poet Zekerijja Sukkeri: a literary-theoretical study and a selection from Divan”). Sarajevo: Univerzitet u Sarajevu – Orijentalni institut, 2024 – Omer Merzić

Nina Kurt
IDEFE Publication, 2026
10 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective14
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• What kind of influence and interference do Russia and the U.S. exert in the Western Balkans states over the last ten years?
• What are the implications of the interest of these two countries in each of the Western Balkans states?
• What are the states’ responses to the U.S. and Russian interferences?

Hasan Emre Karakaya
IDEFE Publication, 2026
13 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective13
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• To what extent do bilateral relations between the Republic of Türkiye and North Macedonia affect the country’s foreign trade figures ?
• How have political and cultural activities affected foreign trade transactions between the two countries ?
• Why do Turkish investors tend to invest in North Macedonia?

Balkan Studies Foundation
Print ISSN: 2955-2567
Online ISSN: 2955-2575
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research articles

Leadership Theories in Transition from Tradition to Technology – Abeer Muqbel

Determinants of Green Innovations in North Macedonian SMEs: A Stakeholders Perspective – Sara Muca & Bujamin Bela

Modernization and the Elite Cycle: State Formation and Economic Elites in the Ottoman Empire – Mustafa Can Güripek

Ethical values in the audit profession: A simple descriptive study from stakeholders’ point of view – Marwan Ghaleb

Medium-Run E­ects of Central Bank Independence Reforms on Inflation and Income Inequality: Evidence from Panel Data and a New Keynesian Model – Aytuğ Zekeriya Bolcan

Eds. Sevba Abdula, Enes Turbić
IDEFE Publications, 2025
208 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-32-4
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The dissolution of the Ottoman and Habsburg empires, coupled with the construction of the Jacobin modern nation-state, produced state-society perspectives in the Balkans that were contradictory, competing, exclusive, and ‘othering’ at multiple levels. The collapse of the institutions that these empires had balanced for centuries necessitated the emergence and transmission of new political, economic, and social relations, making the rapid construction of both the nation and the state a necessity in the Balkans. However, a profound tension emerged between the borders defined by geography and history and the boundaries of new modern centralized states. The dispersion and heterogeneity of the population, along with ‘sanctified’ historical sites, overlapped to a certain extent during the nationalization process of the region’s peoples. The Balkan Wars, the World Wars, the breakup of Yugoslavia, and the current deadlock in the EU integration process can be viewed as consequences of this 150-year-long intersection.

The phenomenon of a “homogeneous population”, structurally demanded by the modern nation-state for the production of consent, has largely shaped the political actions of almost all states in the Balkans. Behind the attempts at deportation, assimilation, and genocide lay, to a large extent, the expectation of a firm and stable nation-state structure that would accompany such homogeneity.

In this context, national identity construction processes were carried out in a way that encompassed and instrumentalized all fields, including religion, education, history, culture, art, and science. Memory, collective identity, and the past were reconstructed through religious, historical, and educational processes to ‘construct’ the nation. Serbian, Greek, Bulgarian, Croatian, Albanian, and Bosniak national identities were brought into existence by being ‘reinvented’ by the state and intellectuals within this framework. These national identities, constructed in the modern sense, established links particularly with pre-Ottoman kingdoms, placed religion and ethnicity at the center, and largely ‘othered’ Ottoman, Turkish, and Muslim identities and history. This process of ‘othering’ was associated with numerous categories and ‘historical events’, such as the collapse of sacred kingdoms, backwardness, the fragmentation of identity, dispossession of homeland and territory, subjugation, and centuries of systemic oppression, and was transmitted to subsequent generations. Post-1918 historiography, supported by various identity construction mechanisms, constantly reproduced the significant events of Serbian collective memory, engraving the ‘us and the other’ dichotomy into the minds of successive generations.

In addition to these processes in the Balkans, another decisive and formative ongoing process involved a major competition among modern political ideologies such as constitutional monarchy, socialism, ethnic nationalism, and liberalism. It is necessary to consider the periods during which these ideologies defined modern power and national identity. It is observed that the capacity of regimes, particularly those based on ethnic nationalism, to mobilize the masses through national memory and ‘us-versus-them’ mechanisms has significantly threatened stability in the Balkans.

Ed. Mustafa Sacid Öztürk
IDEFE Publications, 2025
272 s. 
ISBN: 978-608-4944-31-7
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Osmanlı tarih yazıcılığı, uzun yıllar boyunca merkez odaklı, devletin kurumsal işleyişini ve büyük siyasi olayları önceleyen makro anlatıların gölgesinde şekillenmiştir. Bu yaklaşım, imparatorluğun geniş coğrafyasını ve yüzyıllara yayılan hâkimiyetini anlamak için faydalı bir çerçeve sunsa da tarihin asıl öznesi olan “insan”ı ve onun mekânla kurduğu çok katmanlı ilişkiyi zaman zaman geri planda bırakmıştır. Oysa tarih, sadece fermanların, savaşların veya antlaşmaların de- ğil; bu süreçleri bizzat yaşayan, yönlendiren veya onlara maruz kalan bireylerin hikâyesidir. Balkanlar’dan Portreler: İnsan, İktidar ve Hafıza başlıklı bu eser, Osmanlı Avrupası’na bu perspektiften, yani biyografinin ve mikro tarihin imkânlarını kullanarak bakmayı hedefleyen kolektif bir çabanın ürünüdür.

Başlıkta yer alan “portreler” ifadesi, eserin metodolojik omurgasını teşkil etmektedir. Burada portre, sadece bir biyografi derlemesi değil; dönemin zihniyet dünyasını, sosyal ağlarını ve iktidar ilişkilerini anlamak için bir anahtar olarak kullanılmaktadır. “İnsan”, tarihin akışındaki özne konumunu; “iktidar”, bu öznenin merkezle ve taşrayla kurduğu ilişkiyi; “hafıza” ise yaşananların kayda geçirilmesi, hatırlanması ve bazen de unutulması süreçlerini belirtmektedir. Bu üç kavramsal sütun üzerine inşa edilen eser, Osmanlı Avrupası’nın manevi ikliminden yerel güç odaklarına, oradan da imparatorluğun son dönemindeki diplomatik krizlere uzanan geniş bir panorama sunmaktadır.

Eds. Sevba Abdula, Zehra A. Sadiki
IDEFE Publications, 2025
840 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-27-0
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The social sciences, encompassing disciplines such as history, literature, sociology, political science, anthropology, economics, law, and cultural studies, play a vital role in advancing our understanding of human societies, their structures, and the dynamics that shape their development. These fields provide fundamental insights into the complexities of human behavior, social institutions, politics, economies, and legal frameworks. As our world becomes increasingly interconnected, the importance of interdisciplinary research in the social sciences has never been greater, offering the potential to address the pressing challenges facing contemporary societies and to provide solutions to complex global issues.

The 5th International Balkan Studies Congress has been actively operating for years with the aim of fostering interdisciplinary collaboration and deepening scholarly research on the Balkan region. We extend our gratitude to over 200 young researchers who have contributed their work to this Congress. For the past five years, these studies have offered diverse, creative, and impactful perspectives on the complex and multifaceted issues of the Balkans.

The primary objective of our Congress is to create a dynamic platform for scholars to share research findings, insights, and innovative ideas related to Balkan studies. By fostering a learning environment focused on collaboration and participation, our congress encourages discussions across a broad range of disciplines—such as history, literature, sociology, politics, economics, law, and cultural studies—enabling participants to deepen their understanding of the multifaceted complexities within the Balkan region. This gathering provides an invaluable opportunity for academics to present their work, interact with their peers, and contribute to an ongoing dialogue that expands our knowledge of the Balkans.

Organized as an international event, the Congress also aimed to promote the production of high-quality, original academic output and to support cross-cultural dialogue. By bringing together scholars from diverse geographical and academic backgrounds, the Congress created a unique opportunity for participants to gather in a Balkan country, exchange ideas, and engage in discussions that allow for a more in-depth exploration of the themes at hand. Over the course of two days, each academic attended sessions aligned with their field of expertise, listened to presentations, and participated in thought-provoking discussions that enriched their understanding of the region.

We extend our sincere appreciation to the organizing committee for their meticulous planning of this Congress and for their extraordinary efforts in uniting academics from a wide array of disciplines. Their commitment to creating a space for meaningful academic exchange has been central to the success of this event.

Our heartfelt thanks also go to the diligent reviewers, whose expert feedback and constructive critiques have been instrumental in enhancing the scholarly rigor and academic integrity of this publication.

Lastly, we extend sincere acknowledgment to our esteemed Congress partners: The, Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities, Istanbul Medeniyet University, International University of Sarajevo, HUN-REN Centre for Economic and Regional Studies, South East European University, University of Tetova and ILEM: Scientific Studies Association. Special thanks also go to Hanife Etem and Elif R. Nazim, for their unwavering support and essential contributions. Their collaboration has been indispensable in ensuring the successful realization of this ambitious academic endeavor.

ed. Hanife Etem
IDEFE Publications, 2025
160 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-26-3
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The relationship between the European Union and the Western Balkans remains one of the most complex and consequential aspects of the European integration process. The region’s journey toward EU membership continues to reveal both the transformative potential and the structural limitations of the European project. Migration, integration, and enlargement are at the heart of this dynamic, shaping not only political and economic developments but also the ways in which identities, institutions, and communities evolve. In this context, Contemporary Challenges in the Balkans: EU and Migration Issues represents an important academic contribution to understanding these multidimensional processes from regional and comparative perspectives.

This volume was developed within the framework of the International Balkan Summer School on Migration and European Integration, an initiative dedicated to fostering academic dialogue, critical reflection, and cross-border collaboration among scholars, practitioners, and young researchers. The book embodies the interdisciplinary and inclusive approach, encouraging a deeper understanding of the region’s place in Europe and its role in the region. By bringing together diverse viewpoints, it offers a platform for re-examining the interplay between local realities and supranational ambitions, as well as between historical legacies and contemporary policy challenges.

At a time when Europe is grappling with renewed debates over borders, mobility, and belonging, Balkans provide a distinctive vantage point from which to analyze these issues. The region simultaneously reflects the aspirations of European integration and the tensions that accompany it. Migration flows, socio-economic disparities, and the geopolitics of influence illustrate the ongoing struggle to reconcile national interests with collective European goals. The discussions presented in this book highlight how migration and integration are not merely policy questions but deeply social and cultural processes that shape perceptions of identity, citizenship, and solidarity across Europe.

The academic value of this work lies in its ability to connect empirical observation with conceptual analysis. It demonstrates that the study of migration and EU enlargement requires both a grounded understanding of local contexts and a critical engagement with broader theoretical frameworks. By situating the Balkans within these overlapping perspectives, the volume contributes to a more nuanced appreciation of how integration operates as both a political mechanism and a lived experience.

Ultimately, this collection stands as a testament to intellectual cooperation and academic curiosity. It reflects the shared commitment of emerging scholars to explore the challenges and opportunities that define the European future. Through rigorous analysis and constructive dialogue, the volume seeks to inspire further research and debate on migration, governance, and identity within and beyond the Balkans.

Elisabeta Bajrami Ollogu, Arta Xhelili 
BSF Report 1
IDEFE Publications, 2025 
48 pp. 
ISBN: 978-608-4944-28-7 / /

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Introduction

In the last two decades, North Macedonia has experienced a significant and persistent trend of emigration, particularly among its young population. Youth emigration has become one of the most significant challenges for the country over the past few decades, particularly during the transition period. As the country has been navigating its post socialist transformation, a growing number of citizens have been leaving the country in search of better living conditions and employment opportunities abroad. Many studies have shown that this trend, which has accelerated since the 1990s, seems to be mainly driven by the country’s relatively high unemployment rates, economic stagnation, political crisis, and limited career prospects for young graduates. Despite efforts by the governments throughout the years to address these issues, youth emigration remains a persistent phenomenon, particularly as young people see futures that are more promising in Western Europe instead of choosing to remain and contribute to the country’s development.

North Macedonia has one of the highest rates of youth emigration in the Western Balkans, with many young people aged 18-34 opting to migrate to countries within the European Union and beyond. According to official data from the State Statistical Office of the Republic of North Macedonia for 2024, a total of 10,354 people emigrated in the previous year, of whom 2,372 were young people aged 15 to 29.

Structural challenges such as high youth unemployment, limited economic opportunities, political instability, and weak institutional trust have been important factors driving these rising emigration rates. In 2023, the youth unemployment rate (ages 15-29) was 25.4%, while the general unemployment rate in the country was 13% (Stojceska et al., 2024). Furthermore, other drivers of this emigration are considered the economic hardship, lack of job security, and a perceived lack of opportunities for personal and professional growth within the domestic labor market. Graduates often face a harsh reality of limited job openings in their fields of study, while those who find employment frequently encounter low wages and poor working conditions. Additionally, social factors such as a desire for improved living standards, better healthcare, and higher-quality education also contribute to the decision to emigrate.

Politically, while North Macedonia has made significant strides toward European Union integration, many young people remain dissatisfied with the slow pace of reforms, widespread corruption, and the country’s political instability. This has fostered a sense of disillusionment among the youth, who often view migration as the most viable option for securing a better future.

The consequences of youth emigration in North Macedonia are far-reaching, affecting not only the labor market but also the country’s demographic and social structure. The “brain drain” effect, where highly skilled and educated individuals leave the country, intensifies existing labor shortages in key sectors such as healthcare, education, and technology. Moreover, this outflow of young talent presents a serious challenge for economic growth, as it undermines the capacity of local industries to innovate and expand. For the 2007- 2024 period, North Macedonia was ranked as the sixth country with the highest levels of brain drain in the world2. The country faces the dual challenge of retaining its educated youth while simultaneously addressing the factors that push them abroad.

Merve Zeynep Çetinkaya 
IDEFE Publications, 2025 
11 pp. 
DOI: 10.51331/perspective12
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1. How was the Srebrenica genocide addressed in the Arab media?
2. Which topics regarding the Srebrenica genocide were covered in the Arab media?
3. What is the importance of the media in ensuring that the genocide is not forgotten and in raising awareness?

We are honored to announce that Prof. Dr. Numan Kurtulmuş, Speaker of Grand National Assembly of Türkiye, will deliver the conference’s keynote address.

The event is organised by the Balkan Studies Foundation (BSF) and Worldwide Lawyers Association (WOLAS), and supporters as Istanbul University, the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA), the International University of Sarajevo, and the University of Sarajevo Institute of History. Nineteen distinguished participants, from Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Türkiye, Croatia, Austria and Kosovo, will contribute to the conference.

Marking the 30th anniversary of the signing of the Dayton Agreement, the conference will engage with the Agreement’s enduring legal, political and social implications, and will critically assess the evolving challenges and opportunities for peacebuilding in the Balkans and beyond. Detailed information such as session schedules, speaker profiles, are provided in the conference guide.

Registration Form: https://forms.gle/AfPMbVBt6edQJRKCA

Enes Turbić
IDEFE Publications, 2025
12 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/focus02

Introduction

Local elections represent one of the key pillars of the democratic order, as they ensure the direct participation of citizens in decisions concerning the governance of the communities in which they live. In the Republic of Croatia, from the country’s independence in 1991 to the present day, local elections have undergone a profound transformation, from a mechanism of state consolidation and the dominance of a single political option to a system increasingly characterized by pluralism, personalization, and experimentation with new political models. From the first local elections in 1993 to those held in 2025, a clear dynamic has emerged between traditional party structures and increasingly influential independent actors, reflecting a broader process of democratic maturity and social change.

This analysis offers a concise overview of the evolution of local elections in Croatia over the past three decades, emphasizing key political turning points, transformations in electoral practices, and shifts in candidate profiles. It further examines the influence of European integration processes and the emergence of grassroots initiatives on local political dynamics. Particular emphasis is placed on the 2021 and 2025 election cycles, with a comparative perspective that highlights the rise of progressive platforms in urban areas, the gradual erosion of traditional party structures, and the increasing divergence in political behavior between urban centers and rural communities.

Balkan Studies Foundation
Print ISSN: 2671-3675
Online ISSN: 2671-3659

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Table of contents

research articles

From Berlin to Istanbul: The First Balkan Passengers of the Ottoman-German Alliance – Yusuf Ziya Altıntaş

Between Empires, Among Believers: A Microhistorical and Borderland Analysis of Benedikt Kuripešić’s 1530 Travel Diary – Srđan Mladenov Jovanović

Broker-Diplomats and Balkan Trade Corridors: British Commercial Networks in Ottoman Salonica and Smyrna, 1800–1850 – Üzeyir Serdar Serdaroğlu

The Balkan Football Cup as an Instrument of Polıtıcal Rapprochement in the Balkans (1929–1936) – Nemanja Mitrović, Nikola Mijatov

book reviews

“The Turk” in the Czech Imagination – Barkın Burak Bingöl

Demiryolu ve Kent 19. Yüzyilda Osmanlı Balkan Şehirlerinin Mekânsal Değişimi – Anıl Göç

Genocid u Bosni i Hercegovini – Institucije, Počinioci i Posljedice – Omer Merzić

Tolga Erdem
IDEFE Publications, 2025
16 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/focus01

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Introduction

Although endowed with a profound historical and cultural heritage, the Balkans have been persistently marked by a climate of insecurity and instability, often manifesting in turbulent and disorderly dynamics. Seen from a geopolitical perspective, the Balkans clearly matter in terms of Europe’s overall security. What happens in the region often shapes how stable the European Union (EU) can remain, so treating the two as separate is unrealistic. It is equally untenable to argue that the instability and conflict in the Balkans would remain without consequences for Europe at large and the broader international security framework.  Hence, the Balkans represent a geostrategically significant nexus central to both European affairs and the wider international order. Their prominent status in the tangible geopolitical arena is poised to maintain equal significance within cyberspace, which constitutes the new operational domain of 21^st century international relations.

In the current century, rapid technological change and widespread digital integration are reshaping virtually every dimension of human activity. Cyber issues in international relations have changed a lot and don’t fit the old models anymore. With many different players active in cyberspace today, it’s more complicated than ever to predict and control what happens on a global level. Considering the intricate and opaque nature of cyberspace, the offensive and defensive capabilities and tools possessed by actors in cyber international relations may be increasingly favored as a testing ground for competition between major powers in a region such as the Balkans, which is plagued by instability and insecurity in the real world. Recent increases in cyberattack incidents within the Balkans substantiate this assessment. Therefore, the complete adaptation of the Balkans to global technological transformation and the establishment of a cybersecurity architecture across the region is essential for the national security of Balkan countries, EU security, and international security.

This study will examine the overall cybersecurity landscape in the Balkans, followed by an analysis of prominent cybersecurity threats in the region based on recent cybersecurity incidents. Ultimately, the study will highlight areas where cooperation needs to be developed. In today’s world, where the impact of the digital domain on the physical world has reached unprecedented levels, a sensitive and fragile region like the Balkans requires even greater attention than ever before.

This study explores recent cyberattacks and threats in the Balkans to highlight potential areas for cooperation. This analysis provides a fresh perspective on the Balkans’ role in cyberspace and the development of its cybersecurity. In doing so, it contributes meaningful insights to the broader academic conversation.

• EU enlargement and regional policy
• Migration patterns and integration
• Geopolitical influence and local governance
• Identity, cultural adaptation, and legal harmonization

The program aims to foster academic exchange, regional dialogue, and professional development by connecting scholars across borders and disciplines.
We invite students, academics, and professionals with a keen interest in Balkan affairs, European studies, migration, and governance to join this unique international learning experience.

This significant academic and commemorative gathering brings together scholars, legal experts, policymakers, and activists to reflect on the enduring implications of the Srebrenica genocide.
Held on the occasion of the 30th anniversary, the conference offers critical insights into the intersections of international law, transitional justice, regional politics, and collective memory. The program features an honorary speech by Mr. Afrim Gashi, President of the Assembly of the Republic of North Macedonia, and a keynote lecture by Prof. Dr. Satvinder Juss.

Through a multidisciplinary approach, the conference includes panel discussions and presentations that explore the legacy of genocide, the role of international institutions, and the prospects for justice and reconciliation in the Balkans and beyond.

We invite you to explore the full program and the range of thought-provoking abstracts that shape this timely and vital dialogue.

Balkan Studies Foundation
Print ISSN: 2671-3675
Online ISSN: 2671-3659

Table of contents

research articles

Assessing The Effectiveness and Adequacy of Provisional Measures in Genocide Cases: A Comparative Study – Ali Osman Karaoğlu

The UN Security Council Through the Numbers: How Does the Council Maintain International Peace in Practice? – Ljupcho Stojkovski

Selective Justice? Empirically Testing for Double Standards in the ICC’s Palestine and Ukraine Investigations – Hasan Basri Bülbül

The Controlled Disorder as a USA Transitional Strategy toward Multipolarity – Admir Mulaosmanović

By Any Other Name: Expressive Implications of Reconceptualizing an International Crime as Another through the Examples of Ecocide and Aggression – Vera Piovesan

Enes Turbić  
IDEFE Publications, 2025 
9 pp. 
DOI: 10.51331/perspective11
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1. What is the actual impact of political parties on the social development of BiH – do they contribute to stabilization or act as a factor of destabilization?
2. To what extent do political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina fulfil their pre-election promises, and what institutional or societal mechanisms exist for monitoring their implementation?
3. What is the actual impact of political fragmentation and the large number of parties on the political stability and institutional functionality of Bosnia and Herzegovina?
4. How does the formation of coalitions without programmatic and ideological affinity, frequent changes in government, and the instability of political alliances affect the institutional stability and functionality of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina? How do political crises, unpredictable shifts in power, and inter-party disputes shape the social atmosphere within the country?

Balkan Studies Foundation
Print ISSN: 2955-2567
Online ISSN: 2955-2575

research articles

Bridging the Sustainable Development Funding Gap: A Crowdfunding Approach – Shadi Al Shebli, Ahmet F. Aysan, Ruslan Nagayev

Is Bitcoin Haram in Sharia? A Methodological Critique of the Prohibition Fatwa – Essa Al-Mansouri

The Quest for Fairness and Fulfillment: a WVS-Based Study on Income Equality and Life Satisfaction in North Macedonia – Aytuğ Zekeriya Bolcan

Globalization and Harmful Tax Competition – Önder Bingöl

book reviews

Petrit Pollozhani, Merale Fetahi and Arbresh Raveni, Albanian Emigrations and Their Effects on Demographic and Socio-Economic Developments in North Macedonia – Arbresh Raveni

Costas Lapavitsas and Pınar Çakıroğlu, Capitalism in the Ottoman Balkans: Industrialisation and Modernity in Macedonia – Mustafa Sacid Öztürk

Bujamin Bela and Ü. Serdar Serdaroğlu, Balkan Economies Structure, Transition and Transformation of North Macedonia, 1991-2024 – Mimoza Arifi İseni

Arbresh Raveni 
IDEFE Publications, 2025 
9 pp. 
DOI: 10.51331/perspective10
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1. What is the probability of return among Albanian emigrants from the southwestern region of North Macedonia, and which variables decisively shape this likelihood?
2. Under what conditions and motivations are emigrants inclined to invest in their homeland, and how does this intersect with their transnational identities?
3. What institutional, policy, and structural frameworks are required to convert return potential into effective reintegration and development impact?
4. What are the long-term societal and developmental consequences of inaction in addressing the challenge of large-scale emigration and return deterrence?
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Problem definition and significance

Since the early 1990s, North Macedonia has been grappling with an entrenched phenomenon of massive emigration that has reshaped its demographic, economic, and social landscape. This migration wave, driven predominantly by economic hardship, political instability, and a perceived lack of future prospects, has seen more than a third of the population depart in search of better opportunities abroad. The southwestern region, where the Albanian ethnic minority forms a significant part of the local population, has been particularly affected. This exodus has had detrimental effects on the country’s labour force, innovation potential, and demographic stability. The dual impact of depopulation and brain drain poses an existential threat to the nation’s developmental trajectory, placing it among the countries with the highest emigration rates in Europe. Particularly alarming is the departure of young, skilled, and educated individuals whose absence has contributed to labour shortages, stagnant economic growth, and the erosion of social capital.

The consequences of this migratory trend extend far beyond mere numbers. The reduction in the working-age population has placed an unsustainable burden on North Macedonia’s pension and healthcare systems. Meanwhile, the shrinking of the domestic labour pool has constrained the capacity of small and medium-sized enterprises to expand, innovate, or even maintain existing productivity levels. The cumulative effect is a cycle of stagnation that further incentivizes outward migration, creating a feedback loop that undermines national resilience. This situation becomes even more precarious when considered alongside the country’s aspirations for European integration, which demand structural reforms, economic dynamism, and social stability all of which are undermined by the continual loss of human capital.

Mimoza Dushi
IDEFE Publications, 2025
9 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective09
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1. What motivates Kosovo Albanian migrants to engage with their country of origin, and how do motivations differ by region of settlement (EU vs. U.S.)?
2. What are the primary barriers that prevent the diaspora from engaging more effectively in labor market development in home countries?
3. In what ways can diaspora knowledge and expertise contribute to bridging the skills gap in local labor markets?
4. How can governments in the Western Balkans institutionalize diaspora engagement in ways that directly support employment generation and sustainable development?

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Migration has long shaped the socio-economic landscape of the Western Balkans. Political instability, economic stagnation, and shifting global labor market dynamics have led to continuous outflows of skilled and educated individuals, particularly young people. All countries in the region, including Kosovo and North Macedonia, reflect this trend. Today, over one-third of Kosovo’s population and nearly one-third of North Macedonia’s citizens live abroad. This large-scale emigration, commonly referred as “brain drain,” poses serious challenges to national development, labor market sustainability, and institutional capacity.

Yet, the traditional narrative of brain drain fails to capture the evolving and multi effected role of diasporas in shaping development. The concept of “brain flow” offers more constructive lens, one that recognizes diasporas as active contributors of knowledge, investment, and innovation. When effectively engaged, diaspora communities can become strategic partners in addressing urgent labor market issues such as high youth unemployment, persistent skills mismatches, and limited industrial diversification.

Eds. Sevba Abdula, Ali Erken
IDEFE Publications, 2025
216 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-23-2

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This publication is a volume of a Balkan Politics Series – Political Parties that is a result of collaborative and interdisciplinary effort to better understand the evolving political landscape of the Balkans. We express our profound appreciation to the contributing authors—emerging scholars whose meticulous research and innovative perspectives have substantially advanced this volume’s critical examination of the complex dynamics among democratization, political parties, and state-building throughout the region.

We also wish to extend our gratitude to the editorial and publishing teams for their professionalism and dedication, and to those who facilitated access to vital data, archives, and field resources across various countries in the region.

Finally, this book would not have been possible without the enduring curiosity and commitment of those seeking to better understand the political dynamics of the Balkans. It is our hope that this work will contribute meaningfully to both scholarly literature and public understanding of the region’s ongoing democratic journey.

We look forward to continuing this intellectual journey through future volumes of the Balkan Politics series, expanding our exploration of the region’s political evolution in areas such as electoral behavior, democratization, party systems, governance, identity politics, and foreign policy. It is our hope that this work serves as both a foundation and an invitation—for scholars, students, and policymakers alike to deepen the comparative understanding of the Balkans and to critically engage with the ongoing political transformations that shape not only national realities but also broader European and global dynamics. As we move forward, we remain committed to fostering interdisciplinary dialogue, empirical inquiry, and regional collaboration through future studies on Balkan societies, economies, institutions, and international relations.

Sevba Abdula, Ali Erken

Nedžma Džananović
IDEFE Publications, 2025
32 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-25-6
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Abstract: This analysis critically examines Bosnia and Herzegovina’s (BiH) troubled and prolonged journey toward European Union (EU) membership, arguing that while unprecedented geopolitical shifts have created a new window of opportunity for enlargement, the outcome for BiH remains elusive. Despite achieving candidate status and opening accession negotiations in 2024, BiH grapples with entrenched ethnic divisions, political instability, and institutional dysfunction. Although geopolitical developments, particularly following Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, have intensified EU engagement with the region, they have simultaneously exposed persistent inconsistencies in the Union’s enlargement policies and conditionality frameworks. The study scrutinizes the EU’s dual role as both a normative and security actor, highlighting contradictions within its approach, and evaluates the extensive yet politically conditioned economic and financial cooperation between BiH and the EU. Furthermore, it analyzes evolving public attitudes toward the EU, noting a steady decline in support—especially within Republika Srpska Entity—driven by rising Euroskepticism and growing security concerns. By mapping these dynamics, the analysis concludes that without a coherent, values-driven EU strategy and credible, proactive reforms by BiH’s leadership, the country’s European aspirations risk remaining perpetually out of reach.

Keywords: Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), European Union (EU), Geopolitical shifts

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We are thrilled to announce that the Balkan Studies Foundation has officially published the Conference Program and Abstract Book for our upcoming conference : “Conference for Balkan Economies: North Macedonia after 1991”.

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April 12, 2025, Saturday, 11:00-16:00

Location: Balkan Studies Foundation

Click here to register: 

https://forms.gle/zfHj3PTEH258X9Bu8

Admir Lisica
IDEFE Publications, 2025
24 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-24-9

Abstract

This article analyzes the political relations between Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, and Croatia. Accordingly, it is necessary to chronologically present their mutual relations from the 1990s to the present. To better understand this complex topic, certain geopolitical processes that took place at the end of the 19th century will also be highlighted. The research will employ methods such as analysis, synthesis, comparison, data collection, and chronological methodology, all of which are essential for addressing this issue. To demystify these relations, it is crucial to analyze available sources from authors and media outlets in all three countries to establish facts-based assessments. Additionally, official state documents and other records will be consulted throughout the study. The aim is to clarify key phases in these relations, mutual tensions, major geopolitical shifts, and the current state of affairs. Our hypothesis is that Serbia and Croatia do not invest sufficient effort in strengthening regional relations with Bosnia and Herzegovina, with Serbia being particularly at fault in this regard. Meanwhile, Croatia’s stance and policy approach toward Bosnia and Herzegovina have fluctuated over time. The official policies of these countries have often supported destructive actions by domestic political actors, exacerbating internal tensions. Serbia’s actions remain a significant burden on improving relations between these independent states.

Keywords: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia, Diplomatic Relations, Analysis

Sead Turčalo
IDEFE Publications, 2025
24 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-22-5
 

Abstract

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 significantly impacted Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), deepening its internal divisions and reinforcing the country’s geopolitical paralysis. BiH remains sharply divided along ethnic and political lines; the Federation aligns mostly with Western policies, whereas Republika Srpska (RS) under Milorad Dodik increasingly aligns with Russia, obstructing unified foreign policy and Euro-Atlantic integration. Politically, RS leverages constitutional veto powers to block state-level alignment with Western sanctions against Russia and promote pro-Russian policies. Dodik has openly embraced Kremlin narratives, actively undermining BiH’s institutional cohesion and stability. His frequent visits and symbolic gestures toward Moscow underscore RS’s strategic pivot to Russia, reinforced by explicit Kremlin support for his anti-Western stance.

Economically, BiH’s relationship with Russia primarily revolves around energy dependency, particularly natural gas supplies via TurkStream. Despite this dependence, Russian economic activities in BiH have limited commercial logic, serving instead Moscow’s strategic goal of exerting geopolitical leverage. Recent attempts to diversify energy sources, such as connecting to Croatia’s LNG terminal, face resistance from pro-Russian political factions in RS and, occasionally, Croat political representatives.

Security-wise, BiH is increasingly aligned with NATO and EU security frameworks, receiving notable military support to bolster resilience against external threats. Nevertheless, RS leadership persistently blocks meaningful NATO integration progress, supported by Russian threats and interference. Notably concerning is RS’s incremental militarization of police forces, potentially setting foundations for a parallel security structure independent from state-level oversight, posing severe risks to Bosnia’s security and unity.

Public opinion remains deeply polarized along ethnic lines: Bosnian Serbs predominantly favor Russia, while Bosniaks and Croats largely support Western alliances. Despite these stark divisions, governance challenges such as corruption and organized crime unite citizens across ethnic groups as critical threats to national stability. Internationally, although BiH has made formal steps toward EU accession, practical policy alignment is consistently undermined by RS’s constitutional obstruction. Moscow exploits these institutional vulnerabilities, maintaining BiH’s position as a contested geopolitical space, undermining Euro-Atlantic cohesion

Looking forward, the report argues that without effective EU and US countermeasures to Russia’s disruptive influence, Bosnia risks remaining trapped in geopolitical limbo. It calls for a more robust and integrated Western strategy, combining political, economic, and security instruments to counteract Russian destabilization efforts and internal fragmentation, essential for BiH’s future stability and successful European integration.

Keywords: Russian Influence, Geopolitical Paralysis, Bosnia’s Stability, EU Accession Challenges

Eds. Bujamin Bela, Ü. Serdar Serdaroğlu
IDEFE Publications, 2025
332 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-17-1

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The book Balkan Economies: Structure, Transition, and Transformation of North Macedonia, 1991–2024 offers an in-depth exploration of this journey, presenting a comprehensive analysis of North Macedonia’s economic history, policy adaptations, and the key structural challenges that continue to shape its development. This volume, Balkan Economies: Structure, Transition, and Transformation of North Macedonia, 1991-2024, presents an interdisciplinary and comprehensive exploration of the country’s economic development, combining historical, macroeconomic, financial, entrepreneurial, and sectoral analyses. The nine chapters of this book address critical aspects of North Macedonia’s economic evolution, tracing its roots from the Ottoman and Yugoslav periods, through the tumultuous years of early statehood, to its present challenges and future aspirations.

Bujamin Bela, Ü. Serdaar Serdaroğlu

Jahja Muhasilovic
IDEFE Publications, 2025
9 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective08

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1. What is the new American vision for the Balkans?
2. What kind of diplomatic setup will be formed under the second Trump administration?
3. Is there going to be a change under the new Trump administration?
4. What kind of exit strategy should be followed by the unfavored states in the region?
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The last couple of years have seen a reassessment of the American position towards the Balkans. In the 1990s, the United States was an active factor in stabilizing the region-those being Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Montenegro-fronting Belgrade. However, by the mid-2000s, American interest began to drift. The focus was shifted onto the Middle East and Afghanistan due to the Bush Administration pursuing the “Global War on Terror.” The financial crisis of 2008 only brought the focus further away from the Balkans, with the Obama Administration throwing itself into the Asia-Pacific basket, where China was just starting to get some serious attention as a rival. The Balkans were, for all intents and purposes, a marginal consideration in the papers of Washington. The last decade of dwindling American engagement in the realm has permitted and nurtured the influence play of other powers-Russia, China, and Turkey-among others. The U.S. was watching on the sidelines while its strategy for European engagement, set in motion in the middle 2000s, was trying to grapple with the inertia of Western hegemony.

Adnan Mestan
IDEFE Publications, 2025
10 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective07
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1. What are the main drivers of nationalism in the Balkans?
2. Who are the nationalist leaders in Bulgaria and what are their ideas?
3. Who are the nationalist leaders in Romania and what are their ideas?
4. What can we expect from the Rise of Nationalist Political Leaders in the Balkans?
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In the Balkan countries, such as Bulgaria and Romania, a multi-factorial analysis is required in order to comprehend the ascent of nationalist leaders. Whilst external powers have undoubtedly exerted an influence on the escalation of nationalist rhetoric in these countries, internal factors and dynamics have also contributed to this process. The following discussion will firstly examine the role of external and internal factors in the rise of nationalist rhetoric in the Balkans. Secondly, it will analyze the leadership of nationalist parties in Bulgaria and Romania. Finally, the potential consequences of the rise of nationalist leaders in Bulgaria and Romania will be discussed in the context of contemporary global affairs. Given Bulgaria and Romania’s involvement in institutions such as the EU and NATO, it is imperative that these two countries adhere to certain principles. However, the discussion will also address the question of whether the rise of nationalist leaders could potentially compromise their relations with Euro Atlantic institutions.

Figen Aydın
IDEFE Publications, 2025
28 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-21-8
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Abstract

The Balkan geography has geopolitical importance as a part of the European continent with its natural location. The region, which holds together countries that are important in the history of the continent, connects Europe to Asia and the Middle East. The geopolitics of the Balkans, which offer a geographical intersection, inevitably becomes an important arena for the sphere of influence of great powers. Continuing its economic growth, China considered increasing its contacts with the Balkan countries as of the end of the 20th century. The political changes that the Balkans went through did not lead to a deep change in China’s Balkan policy; on the contrary, it tried to strengthen its ties with the countries of the region that had a fragmented structure after Yugoslavia.

There are several basic reasons why the Balkan countries are skeptical about China and the Belt and Road Project. Economic and political concerns make the Balkan countries suspicious of the Chinese economy and political influence. Inspired by the historical Silk Road route, the Belt and Road is a geopolitical development and investment project launched to ensure China’s economic integration with all countries in the world. The fact that geopolitics is at the core of the project and investments come to the forefront makes it easier for China to focus on developing economies. China has overlapping interests with the Balkan countries. The fact that the Balkan countries need investment, are geographically close to European markets and are prone to cooperation deepens China’s policies in the Balkans. However, the possibility that cooperation with China will distance the Balkan countries from EU membership reveals the damage that the Balkan countries will suffer.

Keywords: Balkan Geopolitics, China-Balkan Relations, Belt and Road Initiative, Economic and Political Influence, EU Membership Challenges

Balkan Studies Foundation
Print ISSN: 2671-3675
Online ISSN: 2671-3659

Table of contents

research articles

The ‘Conquering’ Soldier-Merchants of the Balkans: Colonization, State Interventionism and Separatist Claims in the Danubian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (18th-19th Centuries) – Aysel Yıldız 

An Assessment on Balkan Historiography – Abdulkadir Macit 

The “Heretics” Hermeneutics: Bosnia And Balkan Bogomils In The Mirror Of Modern Hungarian Literature As Potential (Borrowed?) Theaters Of Multidimensional Orientalism – Márton Iványi 

İki Savaş Bir Coğrafya: Yaşar Nabi Nayır’ın Balkanlar ve Türklük İle Değişen Dünyamız Adlı Eserlerınde Değişen Balkanlar İmgesi – İlhan Süzgün

The Political Movement for the Republic of Kosovo – July 2, 1990 – Agon Krasniqi

book review

GÖRKEM AKGÖZ, “IN THE SHADOW OF WAR AND EMPIRE: INDUSTRIALISATION, NATIONBUILDING, AND WORKING-CLASS POLITICS IN TURKEY” – Ivana Hadjievska 

SEDAD BEŠLIJA, HERCEGOVAČKI SANDŽAK U 17. STOLJEĆU (17. YÜZYILDA HERSEK SANCAĞI) – Enes Turbic 

eds. Berat Alili, Hanife Etem
IDEFE Publications, 2025
178 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-19-5

Social sciences, such as history, political science, anthropology, economics, and cultural studies, offer invaluable perspectives on the intricacies of human life and the societies we build. By examining how individuals and groups interact, govern, and evolve, these disciplines help us understand the forces shaping our world. In a time when global challenges demand innovative and collaborative approaches, the role of social sciences has become even more significant, equipping us with the tools to navigate complex social, economic, and political landscapes.

It is with great pleasure that we present this collection of proceedings from the Summer School on Balkans and Global Politics. The summer school has served as an invaluable platform for postgraduate students and scholars to engage in meaningful dialogue and rigorous exploration of the multifaceted challenges defining the Balkans today. The themes of the Balkans and global politics are among the most pressing and complex issues of our time. They intersect with historical, political, social, and economic dimensions, demanding a nuanced and interdisciplinary approach. Through thought-provoking lectures, discussions, and collaborative exchanges, the summer school provided participants with a deeper understanding of these dynamics while fostering an environment conducive to scholarly growth and innovation.

We extend our heartfelt gratitude to the lecturers, mentors, and organizers who brought this program to life, as well as to the participants who enriched it with their curiosity and dedication. We are confident that this book will serve as a valuable resource for researchers, policymakers, and anyone interested in the ongoing debates surrounding the Balkans and global politics.

Lastly, we offer our sincere acknowledgment to our esteemed partners: South East European University, the Oranje Institute, and the Ankara Center for Thought and Research. Special thanks also go to Elif R. Nazim and Zehra A. Sadiki for their unwavering support and essential contributions. Their collaboration has been indispensable in ensuring the successful realization of this ambitious academic endeavor.

ed. Sevba Abdula
IDEFE Publications, 2025
404 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-18-8

The world today faces profound challenges—global security, climate change, trade imbalances, democratization, legal uncertainties, epidemics, failed states, and terrorism—all threatening humanity’s progress and well-being. The Balkans, shaped by these global currents throughout history, remains deeply interconnected with broader political, historical, and cultural transformations. Despite the region’s progress in institutional development and cooperation over the last quarter-century, its journey toward integration with global norms and institutions continues.

This volume explores the dynamic and complex history of the Balkans, delving into its ethnic and religious diversity and the profound impact of nation-state building and imperial dissolutions over the past two centuries. Recent research has expanded beyond traditional nationalist and state-centric narratives, embracing cultural studies, women’s issues, migrations, micro-history, biographies, and socio-economic structures. These fresh perspectives are vital for fostering a research culture that can contribute to the region’s growth and global integration.

The Balkans: Politics, History, and Society is a remarkable collection of revised works presented by emerging scholars from across the region at the 4th Balkan Studies Congress, held in Sarajevo in September 2024. The book, edited by Sevba Abdula, consists of 24 articles that were presented at the Congress in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is organized into 6 chapters, each focusing on a specific research area: History, Politics, Society, Religion, Women, Periodicals, Memories, Literature, and the Ottoman Empire in the Balkan Region. Covering topics such as politics, literature, Ottoman studies, women’s issues, periodicals, biographies, and religion, this edition aims to enrich Balkan studies and inspire future research.

Eds. Sevba Abdula, Elif R. Nazim
IDEFE Publications, 2025
472 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-20-1

Social sciences, encompassing disciplines such as history, literature, sociology, political science, anthropology, economics, law, and cultural studies, play a crucial role in advancing our understanding of human societies, their structures, and the dynamics that shape their development. These fields provide essential insights into the complexities of human behavior, social institutions, politics, economies, and legal frameworks. As our world becomes increasingly interconnected, the importance of interdisciplinary research in the social sciences has never been greater, offering the potential to address the pressing challenges facing contemporary societies and providing solutions to complex global issues.

It is within this broader context that the 4th International Balkan Studies Congress has taken place, with the aim of fostering interdisciplinary collaboration and advancing scholarly discourse on the Balkan region. We are deeply grateful to all the contributors and participants of this Congress for their invaluable research and academic contributions. Their work has profoundly enriched the pages of this edited volume, offering diverse and thought-provoking perspectives on the complex and multifaceted issues of the Balkans.

The primary objective of this Congress is to create a dynamic platform for scholars and academics to share research findings, insights, and innovative ideas related to Balkan studies. By fostering an environment of collaborative learning, the Congress encourages discussions across a broad range of disciplines—such as history, literature, sociology, politics, economics, law, and cultural studies—enabling participants to deepen their understanding of the multifaceted complexities within the Balkan region. This gathering provides an invaluable opportunity for scholars to present their work, engage with their peers, and contribute to an ongoing dialogue that expands our knowledge of the Balkans.

Organized as an international event, the Congress also sought to promote the production of high-quality, original academic output and encourage cross-cultural dialogue. By bringing together scholars from diverse geographical and academic backgrounds, the Congress created a unique opportunity for participants to gather in a Balkan country, exchange ideas, and engage in discussions that allow for deeper exploration of the themes at hand. Over the course of two days, each academic attended sessions aligned with their field of expertise, listened to presentations, and engaged in thought-provoking discussions that enriched their understanding of the region.

We extend our heartfelt appreciation to the organizing committee for their tireless dedication in curating this Congress and for their exceptional efforts in uniting scholars from a wide array of disciplines. Their commitment to creating a space for meaningful academic exchange has been central to the success of this event.

Our sincere thanks also go to the diligent reviewers, whose expert feedback and constructive critiques have been instrumental in enhancing the scholarly rigor and academic integrity of this publication.

Lastly, we extend sincere acknowledgment to our esteemed Congress partners: The International University of Sarajevo, the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities, Istanbul Medeniyet University, the International Balkan University, and ILEM: Scientific Studies Association. Special thanks also go to Hanife Etem, Zehra A. Sadiki, Semran Murtezani, and Hamza Prejlević for their unwavering support and essential contributions. Their collaboration has been indispensable in ensuring the successful realization of this ambitious academic endeavor.

/Dr. Sevba Abdula 

Msc. Elif R. Nazim  

/

Balkan Studies Foundation
Print ISSN: 2955-2567
Online ISSN: 2955-2575

Table of contents

research articles

The Contribution of Total Factor Productivity on Economic Growth in Selected Southeastern European Countries – Gunter Merdzan, Ervin Domazet

Mehmet Uğur Ekinci
IDEFE Publications, 2024
8 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective06

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• Why is the Balkans important for Türkiye?

• What are the key characteristics of Türkiye’s Balkan policy?

• What are the main issue areas in Türkiye’s Balkan policy?

• What can we expect for Türkiye-Balkans relations under different scenarios for the region?

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Why the Balkans is important for Türkiye

As a middle-sized power, Türkiye aims to be actively engaged with its surrounding regions, and among these regions, the Balkans holds a special place. Geographically, Türkiye is not an external actor but an integral part of the Balkans, as its Thrace region belongs to the Balkan Peninsula. Due to its proximity, developments in the politics and security of the Balkans are always a matter of concern for Türkiye. The peace and stability of the Balkans are especially crucial for Türkiye, as the maintenance of stability provides it with opportunities to develop its relations with all countries and societies in the region. In contrast, any instability or conflict in this adjacent region could pose threats to Türkiye’s own security and disrupt its trade with Western Europe.

Balkan Studies Foundation
Print ISSN: 2671-3675
Online ISSN: 2671-3659

Table of contents

articles

Feminine Words for Feminine Actions: Women’s Partisan Newspapers in the Greek Civil War – Harry Raitsinis

Aspekte të Hartës së Parë të Shqipërisë me Toponimastikë në Gjuhën Shqipe (1902) – Xherardo Nikjari

Urban and Architectural Alterations in Elbasan from Ottoman Period to Modernity – Brunilda Basha, Zafer Sağdiç

(In) the Name of the Other; Albanian Migrants in Contemporary Greek Fiction and the Role of Naming – Marios Moros

One Vicinity, Two Neighbors, and Two Different Stories: A Comparison of Mortality Experiences in Greece and Bulgaria since the 1960s – Mariana Mourgova, Konstantinos Zafeiris

book review

Bošnjaci pred izazovima globalnih političkih procesa: političko stasavanje jedne nacije – Omer Merzić

in memorium

Робер Бадентер (1928 – 2024) – Салифоска Фатима

balkanjournal.org

Abil Baush
IDEFE Publications, 2024
13 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective05
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• Si partitë kryesore politike kanë performuar dhe çfarë mund të nënkuptojnë këto rezultate për balancën e pushtetit në parlament?
• Cilat janë politikat ekonomike të propozuara nga partitë kryesore dhe kandidatët presidencialë, duke përfshirë strategjitë e tyre për rritjen ekonomike, punësimin, investimet dhe stabilitetin fiskal?
• Çfarë perspektiva ofrohen për të ardhmen e ekonomisë së Maqedonisë së Veriut?
• Çfarë përbën rolin e stabilitetit politik dhe rëndësinë e një procesi zgjedhor të qetë dhe të drejtë për të tërhequr investime dhe për të rritur besimin e tregjeve ndërkombëtare?/

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Në zgjedhjet parlamentare të vitit 2024 në Maqedoninë e Veriut, rezultati tregoi një dominim të qartë të koalicionit “Maqedonia Jote” VMRO-DPMNE, i cili fitoi 43.32% të votave. Ky sukses i madh i jep VMRO-DPMNE një pozitë të fortë dhe potencialisht dominante në parlament, duke e vendosur atë në një pozitë të favorshme për të formuar qeverinë e ardhshme. Koalicioni për Ardhmërinë Europiane – LSDM siguroi 15.37% të votave, duke ruajtur një mbështetje të konsiderueshme por jo të mjaftueshme për të konkurruar drejtpërdrejt me VMRO-DPMNE. Të tjerët, si Koalicioni “Fronti Europian” dhe Koalicioni Vlen, arritën respektivisht 13.66% dhe 10.64% të votave, duke siguruar një prani të rëndësishme në parlament. Ndërkohë, partitë më të vogla si Koalicioni Guximshëm për Maqedoninë – GROM dhe Lëvizja ZNAM – Për Maqedoninë Tonë, me përkatësisht 0.45% dhe 5.60% të votave, treguan se nuk arritën të tërheqin mbështetje të gjerë. Këto rezultate sugjerojnë një peizazh politik të ndarë, ku bashkëpunimi dhe negociatat mes partive do të jenë kyçe për formimin e një qeverie të qëndrueshme.

Abdullah Muhsin Yıldız
IDEFE Publications, 2024
7 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective04
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• 21. yüzyılın ilk çeyreğinde Balkanlar jeopolitiğinde önemli rol oynayan unsurlar nelerdir?

• 21. yüzyılın ilk çeyreğinde Balkanlar jeopolitiğinin değişimi Kuzey Makedonya siyasetini nasıl etkilemektedir?

• 21. yüzyıl Balkanlar jeopolitiğinde Kuzey Makedonya’nın stratejik konumu Mayıs 2024 genel seçimlerine nasılyansımaktadır?

• Prespa Anlaşmasına göre devletin resmi isminin değişmesiyle Makedonlar arasındaki milli kimlik meselesi anagündem olmaktan çıktı mı?

21. yüzyılın ilk çeyreğinde Balkan jeopolitiğini etkileyen en önemli gelişmelerden birincisi Avrupa bütünleşmesinin doğuya doğru genişlemesidir. Bu bağlamda 1990’lı yıllarda Yugoslavya’dan ayrılma süreci yaşayan Balkan devletleri, Avrupa Birliği’ne üyelik sürecine girmiştir. Birliğin 2004 yılındaki Orta ve Doğu Avrupa genişlemesiyle, eski demir perde devletleri Çekya, Slovakya ve Macaristan, 2007 yılındaki Güney Doğu Avrupa genişlemesiyle Romanya ve Bulgaristan yeni üye ülkeler arasına girmiştir. Eski Yugoslav Cumhuriyetleri’nden Slovenya 2004’te, Hırvatistan ise 2013’te birliğe resmen üye olmuştur.

Mustafa Işık
IDEFE Publications, 2024
10 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective03
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• Bulgaristan’daki siyasal bölünmüşlük tartışmaları (Rusofil Avro-Atlantikçi) nasıl şekillenmektedir?

• Vizrajdane Partisinin son yıllardaki yükselişini nasıl açıklayabiliriz?

• Milliyetçi ve Rusofil yönelimleri kendinde toplayan Vızrajdane Partisi, Bulgar Sosyalist Partisinin ana muhalefet rolünü alabilir mi?

Soğuk Savaş’ın sona ermesiyle Bulgaristan siyasetinde gerçekleşen dönüşümler, ülkeyi uzun vadede Avrupa-Atlantik eksenine kaydırmıştır. Komünist mirası ve hafızayı taşıyan Bulgar Sosyalist Partisi, bu süreçte genellikle devletçi ve mevcut düzeni koruyan bir yaklaşım sergilemiştir. Demokrat ve reformist grupların Avrupa Birliği (AB) ve Kuzey Atlantik Antlaşması Örgütü (NATO) üyelik süreçlerindeki başarıları, Rusya yanlısı oluşumlara dar bir siyasi alan bırakmıştır. AB ve NATO üyelik süreçleri, Rusya yanlısı grupları daha milliyetçi ve ulusalcı bir çizgiye yönlendirmiştir. Bu bağlamda, Bulgar Sosyalist Partisi AB ve NATO ile ilgili daha ılımlı politikalar benimsemek zorunda kalmıştır. 2005 sonrası, milliyetçi ve ulusalcı partilerin yükselişe geçtiği bir dönem olarak kayda geçmiştir.

Doc. Dr. Bujamin Bela
IDEFE Publications, 2024
7 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective01
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• Si duhet të interpretohet gjendja e cilësisë në arsimit të lartë në RMV? (problemet dhe sfidat)
• A është koha për ndryshime në strategjinë, objektivave dhe prioriteteve në arsimit të lartë në RMV (metodat, teknikat e mësimdhënies, format, të menduarit, dhe mënyrat e vlerësimit)?
• Sa justifikohet besueshmëria dhe autonominë akademike në qasjen kritike të vlerësimit të punës së institucioneve të arsimit të lartë?
• Si duhet të jetë qasja për Universitetin dhe zhvillimi institucional (Pushtetit, Autoritetit dhe Vendimmarrja)?
• Cilat janë parakushte dhe rekomandimet për autonomi reale të universiteteve dhe rritjen e kualiteti në institucionet e Arsimit të Lartë?

/

Kapitali njerëzor përveç se është një variabël e rëndësishme për zhvillim ekonomik, ai paraqitet edhe si një parakusht themelor për produktivitet dhe cilësi në punë. Në këtë kontekst, debatet që janë zhvilluar për cilësinë në arsimin e lartë kanë qenë ndër më të bujshmet, gjithmonë në qendër të vëmendjes të shumë qarqeve politike dhe akademike. Kjo edhe për arsyen sepse cilësia në arsimin e lartë është një koncept shumë i rëndësishëm, shumëdimensional dhe dinamik. Cilësia edhe në institucionet e arsimit të lartë varet shumë nga cilësia e kuadrit arsimor. Niveli i edukimit, arsimimit, zhvillimit dhe nxënies së njohurive, përvojave, kompetencave dhe aftësive të reja të kuadrit arsimor janë determinuesit kryesorë për një cilësi më të lartë në arsimin e lartë. Padyshim se kjo nënkupton se cilësia në rend të parë varet nga vetë mësimdhënësit dhe procesi i tyre i mësimdhënies, respektivisht sa më e lartë të jetë përgatitja e tyre, aq më e lartë do jetë cilësia dhe anasjelltas. Sigurimi i cilësisë në punë arrihet duke përmirësuar proceset dhe rezultatet, që janë edhe qëllimi kryesorë i të gjithë atyre që duan të jenë të suksesshëm në punën e tyre.

Dr. Sevba Abdula
IDEFE Publications, 2024
7 pp.
DOI: 10.51331/perspective02
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• Kuzey Makedonya’da muhalefet seçimleri kazanmaya yakın mı?
• Arnavut bloğunda BDİ’nin merkez siyasete yakınlaşma stratejisi, Arnavut muhalefet bloğunun rüzgarını dindirebilecek mi?
• İlk kez Arnavut ve Türk partilerinin seçim ittifakı neler getirebilir?

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Etnik, ulusal, siyasi, dini, kültürel, bölgesel, tarihi bir çok farklılığı içinde barındırmasıyla Kuzey Makedonya devlet ve toplum örneği açısından kuşkusuz özel bir konuma sahip. Bağımsızlığını elde etmesinden sonra bile birçok meydan okuma ve kendini yeniden inşa etme süreçleriyle karşı karşıya kaldı. 1991, 2001, 2017 gibi ülke tarihi için büyük kırılmaları uluslararası baskıların eşliğinde “bir şekilde demokrasisini” işleterek yönetebildi. Ulusal, tarihi ve dini kimlik bağlamında devlet ve toplumun yaşadığı parçalanmışlığın fay hatları devam etse de önemli ölçülerde de onarıldı. Makedon-Arnavut, Makedonya-Yunanistan, Makedon Ortodoks Kilisesi-Sırp Ortodoks Kilisesi, NATO üyeliği, AB müzakere süreçleri gibi ülkenin 30 yılı aşkın sorunları Makedon-Bulgar sorunu dışında büyük ölçüde çözülerek dengeye oturmuş durumda.

Eds. Sevba Abdula, Semran Murtezani
IDEFE Publications, 2024
304 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-12-6

The Balkans could not exist with positive agendas in the formation and writing of 19th and 20th-century world history. As a region with an imperial legacy, it struggled to achieve phenomena such as balance, stability, trust, and security amidst numerous internal and external processes such as migration, nationalization, irredentism, imperialism, communism, failed states, and wars. In this context, the Eastern Question was influenced by concepts and descriptions such as Balkanization and ethnic nationalism. Since 1990, and especially after 2000 with the EU integration processes, it is possible to say that the Balkans have moved closer to political, cultural, and economic balance and stability. Consequently, research on the region’s history, dynamics, sociology, and economy has increased.

The study of Balkan history generally involves understanding the rich and complex history of the region, its ethnic and religious diversity, the transition from empires to nation-states, dynamics of conflict and cooperation, changes in the post-Cold War period, integration processes with the European Union, and regional/international interventions for regional stability. Since 2000, research units based in Athens, Istanbul, Belgrade, Sofia, Sarajevo, etc., have begun to include cultural studies, microhistorical studies, migrations, biographies, thereby creating a rich literature on the region.

This volume aims to make a small contribution to the emerging research trends in the field of Balkan studies. In this volume, young and qualified researchers from various countries in the Balkans examine topics ranging from military borders to migrations, periodicals to orphan institutions, and the Çanakkale War to dervish lodges.

The first part of the work consists of four articles under the title ‘Military Frontier, Bosnia, Uprising, and Serbia.’ Okan Büyüktapu examines ‘The Formation of the Ottoman Military Frontier in Bosnia-Herzegovina (16th-17th Centuries).’ The article, adapted from his doctoral dissertation, delves into the formation process of the Ottoman Empire’s military border regions in the Balkans, particularly focusing on how these borders were established in Bosnia. Büyüktapu provides an in-depth analysis of the Ottoman Empire’s strategies to establish natural boundaries, taxation possibilities, defense priorities, and borders suitable for conquests. Additionally, it details Ottoman border defense policies in Bosnia, including long-term planning and constant revisions based on current circumstances. In summary, Büyüktapu offers an in-depth perspective on how the Ottoman military frontier in the Balkans was established and maintained, the changing frontier policies in Bosnia over time, and how these processes related to the overall Ottoman military strategy. On the other hand, Dajana Barušić, in her study “The Bosnian Revolt of 1849-1851 and Ömer Lütfi Pasha”, examines the revolt of the aghas and beys in Bosnia between 1849-1851, who opposed the implementation of the Tanzimat. Since there was no press in Bosnia during this period, the events and reactions mainly received attention in neighboring Serbia and were covered in detail in the Serbian Newspaper (Srpske Novine). Tanja Cerevski’s “Constitutional Developments in Serbia and the Evaluation of the National Oriented Politics of Prince Mihailo Obrenovic (1860-1868)” analyzes the transformations in the political structure of Serbia during the reign of Prince Mihailo, the efforts to pursue national goals, and how these efforts affected the overall political structure of the Balkans. This period is recognized as an important phase of transformation and development of national consciousness in Serbian history and the history of the Balkans in general. The last paper in this chapter is by Emina Mostic, titled “What’s Up In Ottoman Studies in Post-War Bosnia And Herzegovina.” She underlines the need for objective research in Ottoman studies in Bosnia and Herzegovina and emphasizes the importance of understanding local history in the context of the wider history of the Ottoman Empire. Mostic argues that thorough research requires familiarity with both local and Ottoman sources, as well as a willingness to learn from scholars in Bosnia and beyond.

Part Two consists of four articles under the title ‘Ottoman Empire, Wars, and Implications.’ Naime Yüksel Karasu examines the life and influence of Hazinedarzade Ali Aga, an important local actor in 18th-century Salonica. While detailing the activities of local families in provincial administration and their complex relations with the Ottoman central government, the study highlights the rise of Hazinedarzade Ali Aga and his role in provincial administration. It also reveals how the military, political, and social dynamics of the 18th-century Ottoman Empire were shaped by the rise of local powers. İzzetin As, in his study titled “The Cretan Problem and Institutional Efforts for Orphans in Crete,” provides valuable research by detailing important issues on the island of Crete during the last periods of the Ottoman Empire, especially focusing on institutional efforts for orphans. Within this framework, As reveals that migrations in Crete caused significant social and economic problems, particularly for orphaned children. He examines the institutions established and measures taken for orphans and orphaned children in Crete under Ottoman rule and after the annexation of Greece. Additionally, he explores efforts to meet the basic needs of these children, such as education, shelter, nutrition, and healthcare. Mustafa Öztürk examines the Dönmeh schools opened in Thessaloniki before the Second Constitutional Monarchy and their role in the Ottoman modernization movements. With the 1869 Maarif Regulation, a period of innovation in education began, during which the Dönmeh community in Salonica established various schools that embraced modern educational approaches. These institutions included Şemsi Efendi School, Feyziye Schools, Terakki School, and Trade School. Unlike other Muslim schools of the period, these institutions were notable for their modern teaching methods, curricula, and qualified educators. The progress in education, spearheaded by the Dönmeh community, continued to have an impact during the Second Constitutional Era and Republican periods, with graduates attaining important positions at various levels of the state. The paper discusses in detail the impact of these educational institutions in Salonica on Ottoman and Turkish modernization, the contributions of their graduates, and their historical development. Inspired by his doctoral dissertation, Yusuf Ziya Altıntaş’s “The Balkan Deadlock of the World War I and the Ottoman-German Alliance” examines the events that followed the secret alliance treaty signed between the Ottoman Empire and the German Empire at the beginning of World War I and its effects on the Balkans. Specifically, it details the Ottoman efforts to obtain war materiel from Germany, but the failure of the shipment of materiel through the Balkans due to a series of political and military obstacles. The Balkans served as a strategic transit point for the Ottomans and Germany, but the neutral attitudes of Balkan states such as Serbia, Romania, and Bulgaria turned the region into a blockade. The study comprehensively analyzes the strategic importance of Balkan geography during World War I, as well as the effects of the war on the states and peoples of the region, diplomatic maneuvering, and military operations that influenced the course of the war.   In the third chapter, Balkan Periodicals and Discussions, Besnik Emini, Faton Pllana, Omer Merzić, and Hakan Ayaz contribute with their studies. Besnik Emini analyzes two newspapers published in Skopje between the two world wars, “Hak” and “Pravi Put,” which featured bilingual texts in Serbian and Turkish. “Hak” was published between 1920 and 1924, while “Pravi Put” was published in 1937. Both newspapers were the only bilingual publications in Skopje after the Ottoman Empire, targeting Muslim readers from various ethnic groups. Despite their short publication period, these newspapers serve as important historical sources regarding the issues of that time. Faton Pllana’s study focuses on the formation and development of Albanian historiography between World Wars I and II, particularly during the era of nationalist historiography. It examines the efforts of Albanian intellectuals to approach history with a critical and scientific perspective. The study delves into the publications and various journals of this period, notably “Hylli i Dritës,” “Agimi,” and “Dituria.” It highlights that while these journals may not have met the standards of scientific publications, they were valuable for Albanian historiography, publishing numerous articles on political, cultural, and historical matters of the time. In summary, it offers a comprehensive analysis of the development of historiography in Albania between World Wars I and II, as well as the role of journals in shaping Albanian historiography. The article discusses the contributions of publications from this period to the advancement of Albanian historiography, particularly their focus on the Ottoman era. Another article in the third part is by Omer Merzić. He presents several observations on the British reports regarding the Bosnian uprising of 1831-1832. The study examines the context of Ottoman reforms and their impact on Bosnia, the involvement of foreign powers, particularly the British Empire, in Ottoman internal affairs, the dynamics of the Ottoman Empire during reform periods, reactions from various societal segments, technical challenges and misinformation encountered in British newspapers’ coverage of the uprising, and the influence of regional and global politics on the narrative and reporting of events in the Ottoman Empire. Hakan Ayaz presents the final study in this chapter. Inspired by his master’s thesis, he examines the Silah Newspaper published by Hasan Tahsin in Salonica during the Second Constitutional Era Period and its coverage of Balkan-related news. Ayaz reveals that Hasan Tahsin aimed to provide detailed accounts of the difficulties faced by Turkish and Muslim communities during the Balkan Wars and other significant events. The study seeks to extract insights about the Balkans of that era from the news and articles in Silah newspaper, contributing valuable information to Balkan history. It underscores the newspaper’s significance as a source for understanding Hasan Tahsin’s personality, military and political stances, and the evolving dynamics in the Balkans during the waning years of the Ottoman Empire.

The last chapter, Balkans, Greece, and Sufism contains many valuable articles. Dimitra Patronidou discusses the fate of exchangeable Muslim properties in the city of Drama after the 1923 population exchange between Greece and Türkiye. Focusing on the exchangeable properties of the “Varos” area, the study details the change in the demographic composition and architecture of the city. It reveals the presence of a vibrant Muslim community in the area before the exchange, with numerous mosques and Ottoman public buildings. After the exchange, these properties were cataloged, appraised, sold, or rented, significantly transforming the social and urban landscape of the area. The handling of exchangeable properties is portrayed not only as an economic process but also as part of broader social, cultural, and urban changes in the post-exchange period, emphasizing the transformation from a predominantly Muslim community to one integrated into the Greek state. Burcu Taşkın examines the impact of the Lausanne Peace Treaty and other bilateral treaties on the protection of minority rights in the Balkans. The article provides an in-depth analysis of the recognition and protection of minority rights and the challenges faced by ethnic and religious groups in the Balkans. The current situation, historical context, and future perspectives of minority groups are assessed in the light of regional and international policies. Mehmet Cemal Öztürk provides a comprehensive analysis of the various Halveti tekkes located within the borders of modern Greece, highlighting the spread of Islam and Sufi traditions in the region, especially during Ottoman rule. The study details the presence of more than 325 tekkes in present-day Greece and highlights significant concentrations in Salonica, Serres, Crete, Tripolitsa, and other cities. The study reflects the important but under-researched influence of Sufism, particularly the Halveti order, in shaping the religious and cultural landscape of the Balkans during the Ottoman period. It calls for more scholarly attention to better understand the social, cultural, and religious dynamics of the region. The final paper in this edition is by Faruk Yılmaz. In this study, he analyzes Mounīrī Belgrādī’s Nisāb al-Intisāb wa Ādāb al-Iktisāb, emphasizing the diversity of Sufi formations in the Balkans. The study examines the historical spread of Islam in the region, emphasizing the role of orders such as Qadirism, Naqshbandism, Halvetism, Mevlevism, and Bektashism.

Balkan Studies Foundation
Print ISSN: 2671-3675
Online ISSN: 2671-3659

Table of contents

research articles

Mapping the Tekkes and Türbes in Western Thrace: A New Contribution to the old Literature – Ioannis Mylonelis, Ziaka Angeliki, Tsironis Christos, Siskou Erifili, Karakitsos Efstratios

“The Spanish Adventurer”: The Ottoman Surveillance on Aladro Kastrioti, the Pretender for the Albanian Throne – Atdhe Thaçi

An Investigation of How Serbs’ Attitudes toward Turks Shaped by Contact and Turkish Tv Series – Fatih Çarkçı

The Memoirs of Arbih Generals: The Scopes of Memoir Literature for Understanding the Military History of Sarajevo 1992-1995 – Mustafa Dedović

book review

Марија Андреева, Влијанието на Политичкиот Дијалог Врз Политичката Култура: Студија на Македонскиот Случај – Фатима Салифоска

Balkan Studies Foundation
Print ISSN: 2671-3675
Online ISSN: 2671-3659

Table of contents

research articles

İktidar ve Tarih İlişkisi Bakımından Makedonya ile Bulgaristan Arasındaki Tarihsel ve Kültürel Miras Kavgasını Çözümlemek – Murat Aliu

Agia: An Open-Air Middle Paleolithic Site in Northwestern Greece – Stephen A. Spathas

Serbia Hedging its Bets Between West and East – Kristina Nikolic

Religious and Political Antagonism between Greece and Bulgaria in the Context of the Church Dispute, the Treaty of San Stefano and the Treaty of Berlin – Fotini Zarogianni

Psychosocial Factors in Chronic Illness Management in Western Balkans: The Case of Albania, Montenegro, Kosovo, and North Macedonia – Ledion Musaj, Anxhelo Dema

Eds. Sevba Abdula, Semran Murtezani, Bujamin Bela
IDEFE Publications, 2025
478 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-11-9

EU harmonization processes such as in Eastern and Central Europe, the Balkans, and Turkey after the 90s, and the transition to a free market economy increased significantly the number of universities and university students. In addition, programs such as study abroad, Erasmus programs, and Turkey Scholarships, have increased and transformed education globally, with the mobility and interaction of undergraduate and graduate students, incomparably with the past. Along with all these positive developments, like the internal political structures of countries and cultural institutions, the capacity to direct the transition process varies in each country. The problem of academic knowledge production, its quality, its depth, and its content have shaped the relational dimension.

As Turkey’s concrete interest in the region, its contribution to postgraduate education and academic knowledge production through Turkiye Scholarships, and the interaction of the qualified audience doing postgraduate studies in the Balkans can produce extremely important outputs. While Turkish students are generating knowledge about the Balkans, contacting the region and its people, on the other hand, the interaction of the young academics of the region working on the Balkans with each other can form the basis of many future types of research.

The Balkan Studies Congress is an international congress organized to encourage interdisciplinary studies in the field of social sciences and for contributing to qualified and original academic output.

The Balkan Studies Congress aims to increase the quality of postgraduate studies by allowing for versatile communication and experience to be transferred to young academicians and to increase academic interaction and activity within the region and with Turkey. The congress aims to contribute to developing a common language and method by encouraging interdisciplinary approaches to overcome the difficulties with qualified academic output experienced in the states and societies that have many troubled areas ahead of them while still trying to recover from the effects of the wars in the Western Balkans after 1990.

The 2nd Balkan Studies Congress which was held in Tirana between 16 – 18 September 2022, clearly demonstrated the applicability of the above-mentioned framework in a very short time.

In this context, we would like to express our endless thanks for their support to the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities, International Balkan University, ILEM Organization, University of New York in Tirana, and Istanbul Medeniyet University.

Dr. Sevba Abdula 

Assist. Prof. Dr. Bujamin Bela 

Msc. Semran Murtezani

Balkan Studies Foundation
Print ISSN: 2671-3675
Online ISSN: 2671-3659

Table of contents

research articles

The Disruption of Democracy in the Age of Modernity: Examining the Case of Modern Greece – Dionysis Tsirigotis

Büyük Doğu Krizi Çerçevesinde (1875-1878) Sırp Gazetelerindeki (Застава, Србски Народ, Српске новине) Hersek İsyanı ile ilgili Yazıların Değerlendirilmesi – Tanja Čerevicki

Savaş Düşüncesinin Bosnalı Alaaddin Sâbit Divâni’nda Somutlama ve Güzelleme Bağlaminda Görünümü – Burak Koç

The Role of the Sport of Judo and Football in Promoting Kosovo’s Statehood in the International Arena – Ylli Sokoli

Help-Seeking Behaviours and Mental Well-Being of Albanian Immigrants in Malaysia – Voltisa Thartori, Nik Ahmad Hisham Ismail, Siti Kholijah Kassim, Faizah Idrus

book reviews

Фатима Салифоска, Цивилизациските Темели на Геополитиката на Балканот низ Призмата на Македонско-Турските Односи – Неџад Мехмедовиќ

Eds. Sevba Abdula, Bujamin Bela, Semran Murtezani
IDEFE Publications, 2025
596 pp.
ISBN: 978-608-4944-03-4

EU harmonization processes such as in Eastern and Central Europe, the Balkans and Turkey after the 90s, and the transition to a free market economy increased significantly the number of universities and university students. In addition, programs such as study abroad, Erasmus programs, Turkey Scholarships have increased and transformed education globally, with the mobility and interaction of undergraduate and graduate students, incomparably with the past. Along with all these positive developments, like the internal political structures of countries and cultural institutions, the capacity to direct the transition process varies in each country. The problem of academic knowledge production, and its quality, its depth, and its content have shaped the relational dimension.

As Turkey’s concrete interest in the region, its contribution to postgraduate education and academic knowledge production through Türkiye Scholarships and the interaction of the qualified audience doing postgraduate studies in the Balkans can produce extremely important outputs. While Turkish students are generating knowledge about the Balkans, contacting the region and its people, on the other hand, the interaction of the young academics of the region working on the Balkans with each other can form the basis of many future researches.

The Balkan Studies Congress is an international congress organized to encourage interdisciplinary studies in the field of social sciences and to contribute to qualified and original academic production. The congress aims to increase the quality of postgraduate studies, academic interaction and mobility within the region and with Turkey by providing young academics with versatile communication and transfer of experience. It aims to contribute to the development of a common language and method by encouraging interdisciplinary approaches in order to overcome the problem of qualified academic production of states and societies that are trying to recover with the effect of the wars in the Western Balkans after 1990 and have many problem areas in front of them. The 1st Balkan Studies Congress, which we held in Skopje between 17-19 September 2021, clearly demonstrated the applicability of the above-mentioned framework in a very short time. The book you have in your hand consists of the texts of the papers presented by 31 participants from 11 different fields and 9 different countries in Skopje. The texts in the book were able to be included in the book by going through a serious proofreading process.

In this context, we would like to express our endless thanks for their support to the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB), International Balkan University, İlmi Etüdler Association, International Students Federation (UDEF).

…

90 sonrası Doğu ve Orta Avrupa, Balkanlar ve Türkiye gibi AB uyum süreçleri, serbest piyasa ekonomisine geçişi üniversite ve ünversite öğrenci sayısını ciddi oranda artırmıştır. Buna ek olarak yurtdışı eğitim, Erasmus programları, Türkiye Bursları gibi programlar küresel çapta lisans ve lisansüstü eğitimde hareketliğliği ve etkileşimi geçmişle kıyaslanmayacak şekilde artırmış ve dönüştürmüştür. Tüm bu olumlu gelişmelerle beraber ülkelerin iç siyasal yapıları, kurumsal kültürleri, geçiş sürecini yönlendirme kapasiteleri her ülkede yoğunluğu değişmekle beraber akademik bilgi üretimini nitelik sorununu, çalışmaların derinliğini, içeriğini, ilişkisel boyutunu şekillendirmiştir.

Türkiye’nin bölgeye somut ilgisi olarak Türkiye Bursları üzerinden lisansüstü eğitime ve akademik bilgi üretimine katkısı ile Balkanlarda lisansüstü çalışmaları yapan nitelikli kitlenin etkileşimi son derece önemli çıktılar çıkartabilir. Türkiye’li öğrencileri Balkanlara dair bilgi üretiminde bulunurken bölgeyle, insanıyla irtibat kurması diğer yandan Balkanlar ile ilgili çalışma yapan bölgenin genç akademisyenlerinin birbirleriyle etkileşimi gelecekte yapılacak birçok araştırmanın zeminin oluşturabilir.

Balkan Çalışmaları Kongresi (Balkan Studies Congress) sosyal bilimler alanında disiplinler arası çalışmaları teşvik etmek, nitelikli ve özgün akademik üretime katkı sağlamak amacıyla düzenlenen ulusalararası bir kongredir. Kongre genç akademisyenlere çok yönlü iletişim ve tecrübe aktarımı imkanı sunarak lisansüstü çalışmaların niteliğini, bölge içi ve Türkiye ile akademik etkileşim ve hareketliliği artırmayı amaçlamaktadır.

Batı Balkanlarda 1990 sonrası yaşanan savaşların etkisiyle yeni yeni toparlanmya çalışan ve önünde birçok sorun alanı yer alan devlet ve toplumların nitelikli akademik üretim sorununu aşmak için disiplinler arası yaklaşımları teşvik ederek ortak dil ve yöntem geliştirilmesine katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır.

17-19 Eylül 2021 tarihleri arasında Üsküp’te gerçekleştirdiğimiz I. Balkan Çalışmaları Kongresi yukarıda belirtilen tüm çerçevenin çok kısa zamanda uygulanabilirliğini açıkça gösterdi. Elinizde bulunan kitap Üsküp’te 11 farklı alandan, 9 farklı ülkedenn gelen 31 katılımcının sunduğu bildirilerinin makeleye dönüşmüş metinlerinden oluşmaktadır. Yer alan metinler ciddi bir tashih sürecinden geçerek kitapta yer alabilmişlerdir.

Bu çerçevede kongreyi destekleyen Yurtdışı Türkler ve Akraba Topluluklar Başkanlığı (YTB), Uluslararası Balkan Üniversitesi, İlmi Etüdler Derneği ve Uluslararası Öğrenciler Federasyonu’na (UDEF) sonsuz teşekkürlerimizi ifade ederiz.

Sevba Abdula, Semran Murtezani, Bujamin Bela

1. Balkan Çalışmaları Kongresi Bildiri Kitabı Editörleri

1st Balkan Studies Congress Proceedigs Editors